War Lessons
By: John A. Baden, Ph.D.Posted on March 26, 2003 FREE Insights Topics:
I'm writing soon after the invasion of Iraq began. I'm scheduled to travel
before this appears. What can I say that's neither trite nor obsolete, but
surely true?
First, few adults live here by accident or assignment. We have consciously,
deliberately elected to live in the Northern Rockies. The reasons carry a
common theme; attraction to our natural, social, and cultural environment.
Folks do not live here to maximize income. For most of us, other factors --
ecology viewed broadly -- trump money.
As citizens, we of course confront universal problems of education, welfare,
health, and crime. The issues that set us apart from urban Americans are
topics such as wildlife, wetlands, wilderness, and water. They motivate our
passion and involvement in public policy debates and personal discussions.
Our tastes and knowledge base are different from those of urbanites. Most
Americans can't distinguish the Forest Service from the Park Service and
very few can identify the BLM or define acre-feet or AUMs. These names and
terms are common in the vocabulary of my Montana friends. They identify the
furniture and fixtures of our world.
But what happens when war intrudes? Aside from its relevance to America's
war effort, this stuff, once central to our lives, is ignored or consciously
discounted. Environmental concerns become secondary. Suddenly our daily
thoughts and concerns become focused on larger, more immediate issues.
Saddam will surely fall. But then what? Of course we'll win the war but
winning the peace is much less certain. Here's why:
The bureaucrats who will no doubt be called to administer a post-war Iraq
crave stable, well-defined systems. But the second half of the twentieth
century was a period of devolution and fragmentation along ethnic, cultural,
and religious fault lines. U.N. membership went from 60 in 1952 (51 at
founding in 1945) to 191 in 2002. Much of this increase came from the
dissolution of multi-ethnic and multi-religious nations.
This process was quite rational, though often bloody and destructive.
People, perhaps especially illiterate peasants, recognize that the default
activity of government is to be an engine that systematically rewards the
wealthy and corrupt. The efficiency of that engine varies greatly but its
propensity doesn't, i.e., it takes from the weak and gives to the strong.
Unless a nation is blessed with a well-functioning constitution that
protects liberty through secure property rights and the rule of law, groups
identified by race, religion, ethnicity, or kinship will use the coercive
apparatus of the state against others. No Third World nations have these
progress-fostering qualities.
Iraq is a contrived, constructed nation of warring parties -- Kurds in the
north, Shiites in the south, and Sunnis in the middle. The U.S. will attempt
reconstruction of a nation that can't function as a democracy or a
productive economy. It will be like running a decrepit prison filled with
Crips, Bloods, and the Aryan Brotherhood.
If we are to win the peace, in Iraq and other battles that surely will
follow, we much recognize that many nations have centrifugal forces tearing
them apart. Compare the fates of Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia after the
fall of the Berlin wall.
In Czechoslovakia, enlightened rulers who valued liberty were able to
negotiate its peaceful separation into the Czech Republic and the Slovak
Republic in 1993. Both countries have done relatively well since their
breakup. On the other hand, Slobodan Milosevic and his thugs tried
desperately to maintain their tyranny over Yugoslavia's disparate groups of
Christians, Muslims, and Orthodox Christians. But even violent oppression
and ethnic cleansing failed to keep the country intact.
Let's not squander our resources and good will in futile efforts to hold
contrived, inharmonious countries together.
The Shah always falls. If we dealt with separate, more homogenous entities,
we might foster democracy, literacy, the rule of law, and prosperity. After
these values are achieved, the components might reunite in a federated
nation modeled after the EU, Canada, or the U.S.
Unfortunately, bureaucrats from established nations demonstrate a strong
preference for the maintenance of existing "sovereign" nations, however
sorry their performance.
Many countries are artifacts of colonial dominance. Identity groups with
generations of hate were lumped into contentious "nations." They and we pay
for these colonial policies motivated by avarice and transitory convenience.