Understanding National Politics
By: John A. Baden, Ph.D.Posted on November 10, 2004 FREE Insights Topics:
Each Friday my colleagues and I produce a column for the following Wednesday. Mine of November 3rd, the day after our election, anticipated election results and suggested constructive reflections. The following day, November 4th, I surveyed 20-plus folks who often read my column. Alas, only two had read the latest.
It was like a morning class after a 24-inch powder dump on Bridger, i.e., the snow gods granted excused absences. So here is a review of last Wednesday.
Last week, I offered suggestions for thinking about national politics and counseled good cheer and civility. My first admonition was to ratchet down expectations of politicians’ behavior. Like professional basketball players, successful politicians don’t succeed by accident. Rather, those who survive have ambition, determination, ego, and outrageous, unsupportable promises. National politics were vicious. Rules were muddled and ethical corners cut.
A person sets himself up for disappointment if he believes the major parties, D or R, drive by a philosophical gyroscope. Aside from the dozen or so fringe organizations (Green, Libertarian, Prohibitionist), political parties are opportunistic, predatory outfits. They win by promising to direct resources, wealth, and opportunities to favored groups. Their strategy is to transfer benefits to some and deny them to others.
Politicians ignore, hide, or discount costs and consequences. Hypocrisy camouflaged as sincerity is common. This is the way the political world works. It’s naïve to expect otherwise. In the national arena, political expediency trumps principled actions.
Republicans conclusively demonstrated that their traditional claims of fiscal prudence and small government are jettisoned to advance special interests. This pandering to key constituents, of course, holds equally for Democrats. For example, while claiming to represent minorities and the poor, Democratic lawmakers are captives of teachers’ unions. No pro-choice for disadvantaged urban children. The Democrats oppose this civil rights battle. Apparently, they won’t put kids’ welfare above their own -- until children start paying union dues.
All monopolists fear competition and most seek governmental protection. That’s why interests invest so heavily in congressional elections, few of which are competitive.
Congressional incumbents work with political professionals to design and distort districts to insulate themselves from competition. All seek safe seats. Nearly all get them. For instance, this year only 8 percent of House races were competitive, i.e. did not involve an incumbent.
A decade ago, 91 percent of House members battling for reelection won. Then, in 1996, 95 percent returned to the House. In ’02 the figure was above 98 percent and victories huge. The average winning candidate returned to DC with 70 percent of the vote. This year, 98 percent of House incumbents won.
Rob Richie, of the Center for Voting and Democracy, said: “‘Coronations’ is a good word when talking about congressional contests.... We’re getting back to the divine right of kings.”
This election stressed ethical issues. Republicans appealed to the morality of religious conservatives, Democrats to that of social liberals. Yet neither party focused on the huge issue of government Ponzi or pyramid schemes, programs that would put anyone in the private sector in prison. Take Social Security. Our country’s demographic profile is such that when the Baby Boomers start collecting Social Security and Medicare, the deficit will be double-digit trillion (yes, with a T) dollars.
Consider this recent evaluation. “The real reason to worry about the deficits projected for the next couple of decades isn’t that they are causing economic trouble today.... The real reason is that we are robbing our children and grandchildren. We are buying now and figuring they will pay later.” Did this come from a liberal publication like The Nation or Mother Jones? No, this is from David Wessel, deputy Washington bureau chief for the Wall Street Journal.
Still, ours is the world’s most successful large-scale social experiment in improving welfare and well-being. We should do more to foster opportunities and good care of our most disadvantaged. We learn, repent, and attempt reform. And ultimately, we’ve made great progress.
We suffer the burdens of historical flaws. Some are intractable, but we try. For this I am grateful. Yes, I’m proud to be an American. But many of the angry left, the blame-America-first crowd, threatened to leave America if Bush were reelected. I’ll be pleased to wave goodbye.